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بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

 

The Libyan Constitutional Union:

 Its Establishment and Development

A Documentary Article by Mohamed Ben Ghalbon

(Summary Translation from Arabic)

 

Readers of this series of documentary articles will be able to examine a narrative of historical events that took place in an important period in the history of our country.  I am of the opinion that it is a duty to the homeland to record and publish these historical events, so that we do not lose contact with that important part of our contemporary history.  As the narrative of these events deals with the stances of some individuals who were active participants in them, it becomes essential that these stances be recorded in their proper contexts.  The intention behind the publication of these accounts, almost a quarter of a century after their occurrences, is not to criticise or denigrate the individuals who were active participants in them. Rather, this publication is a modest attempt to uncover and clarify part of our history that has passed over in silence.  Thus, I hope that this aim should not be misconstrued and the writer of this article should not bear the responsibility for the cynical interpretations by others of its content.

 
         
         
  This page contains parts 1 - 15  
   
  Please click to go to parts 16 onwards  
   
         
Part (1) Part (2) Part (3) Part (4) Part (5)
Part (6) Part (7) Part (8) Part (9) Part (10)
Part(11) Part (12) Part (13) Part (14) Part (15)
         
         
Part (16) Part (17)      
 
 

 

 

 

 

Part (1)

(First published in Arabic on 11th June 2006)

Quest to obtain King Idris’s consent

 Preamble

 The idea of writing this documentary article was dictated by Mr Faraj El-Fakhri’s enquiry in his article “The Squandered Opportunities” in which he asked:

“Why did the LCU not succeed in attracting The Libyan opposition groups around its slogans during that early period [1981]?  These are the same slogans adopted and raised today by Libyan opposition movements.  Chief among these slogans was the call raised by the LCU at its inception to rally around King Idris I, who was still alive then.  This in reality was a call to rally around the symbol of constitutional legitimacy of Libya [1]

 Mr El-Fakhri continued his article by expressing the hope that the LCU founder members would undertake the task of explaining all the circumstances that led to the squandering of the opportunity that the LCU provided the Libyan opposition with, in asking them to unite in support of the Libyan Constitution. This demand which was ignored 25 years ago has now become a key demand of the Libyan opposition [2].

 Mr El-Fakhri further expands his narrative with the enquiry as to why the LCU was not successful in realising its goals (mentioned above), and followed that by asking another question of two parts:

o         “Was this failure due to the incompetence and the inability of the leadership of the LCU, at that time, to explain and communicate their idea to the others?

o         Or does the shortcoming arise as a result of the conflict of concepts and ideas among the competing opposition movements?”  

He concludes by asking the founders of the Libyan Constitutional Union to provide answers and explanations to an era full of events, facts and secrets which in their totality are the reason behind “squandering that opportunity” [3].

Previously, I had always had the intention and the resolve to talk about this important era in the history of our homeland; however my fear for the hurt that this might cause to the people who participated in its events, due to their dishonourable stance, has prevented me so far from doing so. I constantly delayed talking about this era and waited for the time when the circumstances are right, more accommodating and accepting for such an action.   I consider the current circumstances may be more suitable to deal with these important events in our homeland’s recent history.

When I resolved to have a written record about these important and thorny events I thought it sensible to suggest to Mr Farag Elfakhri, whose questioning gave rise to writing about these events, that he puts together this record in a suitable writing style.

I immediately telephoned Mr El-Fakhri and suggested we meet to answer his line of questioning, and asked if it was possible for him to write and edit the answers then to send them to me to review for publication on the Libyan web sites.  Mr El-Fakhri’s response to undertaking this difficult task was agreeable and welcoming.  We agreed to meet in Leeds to start the narration of the information of this period to him while recording it on cassette tapes.  Our meetings started in October 2005 (Ramadan 1426) in the presence of my brother Hisham.  The narration took six separate meetings.

Furthermore, the narrative will be in the first person pronoun in the same fashion it was received by the editor.

 

** *** **

The beginning

 When I decided, in the early 1980’s, to convert the idea of establishing the Libyan Constitutional Union, which was ripe in my mind for some time, into a reality it was imperative that I get in touch with the late King Idris (may Allah bestow His mercy on his soul) who embodied the Constitutional legitimacy to rule Libya.  He was usurped of that rule by a group of low ranking officers who staged a coup d’etat in September 1969.

It was important that this should be the first step, as the issue of the Constitutional legitimacy to rule is part of the foundation and one of the principles upon which the idea of establishing the Libyan Constitutional Union was based.

So I embarked on attempting to gain access to King Idris. That was not an easy task.  It was an ordeal with many obstacles that I had to overcome.

The late King had been living in Cairo as a political refugee since the staging of the military coup in Libya, in a villa in the suburb of Dokki in Cairo, which was assigned to him by the Egyptian Office of the President.  He was forbidden by the Egyptian authorities to deal with political affairs or to receive any person active politically against the military government in Libya.  A team of Egyptian security personnel, headed by a veteran officer was appointed to serve, protect and keep a continuous watch over the king.

It was very difficult to pass through the security cordon imposed on the King’s residence and to reach him through the normal means. The very close watch over the King’s person and his movements isolated him from the outside world except for few relatives or old close friends.

Therefore, there was no way for me to get in touch with the King except through one of these few persons who used to visit him and his estimable family. 

 

** *** **

Contacting the King:

After getting in touch with many in the circle of my personal connections and looking carefully and persistently for information from every source, I managed to approach an honest and dependable person from among the few who had direct contact with the King. I asked this person to convey a message from me to the King. I stated in this message my wish to visit His Majesty to talk to him about my resolve to found The Libyan Constitutional Union, and to renew -on behalf of my self, my family and collegues- our pledge of allegiance to His Majesty as the constitutionally legitimate ruler of Libya.  And to proceed thereafter -with his permission- towards urging Libyan notables from various regions of the country to do the same in public – by publicising it in the international media.

It is important to emphasise that the pledge of allegiance here does not imply that the Libyan people’s pledge of allegiance to the King before Independence had withered or that it had lost its legitimacy, on the contrary, The King’s constitutional legitimacy was rooted in the unanimous desire of the entire nation for him to be their King and this constitutional legitimacy could not be revoked by an illegitimate act.

Renewal of the pledge of allegiance means the affirmation of the continuity of the old pledge of allegiance, and proof that it has not lost its holding force, for the new pledge of allegiance – in its essence- is considered a symbolic pledge of allegiance re-affirming the old one, and referring to its genuine legitimacy.  Proving that the pledge of allegiance to the King and calling on him to resume his role as ruler of the country is a legitimate and constant right that time has not erased, nor revoked by the usurping of authority by force.

And so this praiseworthy person continued to convey my successive oral messages to the late King. This had lasted for many months approaching a whole year. I was careful in these messages to King Idris to affirm my hope that he might not deprive his people of his blessing and the bestowing of his legitimacy on our call upon him to be the legitimate ruler of the country.

In all my messages to King Idris, I was appreciatively and considerately aware of his ascetic way of life, his reluctance to rule or hold power and his loath to return to office and resume its burdensome duties.  However, there was an overwhelming necessity imposing itself on this case and making his approval inescapable This necessity went beyond the personal desires latent in this pious and devout King, and would not accept from him –or anybody in his station- compliance with his own personal preferences.  This necessity dictated that the late King consent to providing, the sacred task of liberating the home land, with his blessings.

If it had not been for the above mentioned necessity, I would not have dared to approach the devout and pious king on the subject concerning the legitimate right to rule the country

There was therefore a heavy price for King Idris to pay, as he had no interest to rule at his advanced age and he wished to spend the rest of his life in worship and meditation.

Therefore, I took care in my oral messages to King Idris to emphasize that his consent to give this noble task his blessings was imperative to open the way to liberate Libya.  Thus providing this endeavour with legal and legitimate support which the world would pay attention to.  And on the other hand this approval would create the leadership and symbol which the Libyan Opposition was in dire need of.

In my successive messages, I affirmed to the late King my full consideration to his weak health and old age.  Further, at that time I thought that, and in keeping with my belief that only Allah knows when one dies, The Creator might not give him the time to witness the struggle for the liberation to its end.  However, it was of the utmost importance to obtain his blessings for the call upon him to be the legitimate ruler of the country, for he would provide, by giving his consent, blessings and an honourable seal to the struggle to regain the freedom of the country with its necessary means and materials.  And even if Allah willed that he would die before the end of this struggle, then the struggle would definitely continue with the authority derived from his constitutional legitimacy.

I made sure that my oral messages were detailed enough to cover all aspects of this matter which would neither strain the King nor burden him with too much responsibility. Further, it would not breach his undertaking to the Egyptian authorities concerning his non-involvement in politics.

On the spiritual front, I was adamant that he not leave this world before remedying the hurt and injury he was feeling as a result of his people’s failure to defend him when he was affronted by the dregs of society.  I was seeking his forgiveness of the Libyan people in the hope that through it they would find a way out of their ordeal.

So at this stage it only remained to meet His Majesty, and this meeting would implicitly mean his approval of the content of my messages. This was the beginning of another arduous journey, for as I have explained before, his meeting was very difficult to arrange. For there were not only the Egyptian security apparatuses watching the King 24 hours a day but also “Haj Mohammad El-saifat” who, as a result of his old relationship with the King, gave himself the right to decide who should visit the King and who should not.

 

To be continued….

Mohamed Ben Ghalbon 

chairman@libyanconstitutionalunion.net

8th July 2006


[1] Part two of “The Squandered Opportunities”, posted on “Libya Our Home” on 23rd September 2005. http://www.libya-watanona.com/adab/ffakhri/ff23095a.htm

[2] Ibid

[3] Ibid

 

Top of the Page                                                        Original Arabic

 

Many thanks to Mustafa for undertaking the arduous task of translating this document from Arabic.

 

This part was published on the following Libyan sites

"Libya Our Home" , Libya Al-Mostakbal" , "Al-Manara"

 

 

 

 

 

 

 بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

Part (2)

(First published in Arabic on 14th June 2006)

 

Quest to obtain King Idris’s consent

 

Paving the way for a meeting with The King:

 As I have previously explained, having passed to the King my messages regarding my intention to establish the LCU, all that was remaining was to meet His Majesty to renew the allegiance and then announce the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union.  I have also mentioned in part 1 that meeting the King was neither an easy matter nor an easily attainable goal, for to meet him, one had to overcome several difficulties, namely getting through the vigilant Egyptian security, or gaining the acceptance and the consent of Haj El-Saifaat, who gave himself the authority - by virtue of the old relationship that he had with the King- to vet the individuals who would like to visit the King and would decide who could see him and who could not.

Fortunately, I did not have to go through either of these two channels.  The visit was arranged, with the king’s permission, by the person who acted as the link between the King and I.  Furthermore, this visit would not be an occasion where I repeated what had already been communicated to the King through this intermediary.  The meeting would finalize the aspects contained in my messages to him, for me to pledge my allegiance and for him to give his blessing to the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union.

The intermediary and I agreed to meet in Egypt during the month of August (1981).  We agreed that I would wait for this person (the intermediary) to telephone me at my father’s house in Alexandria.  I had travelled from Manchester to Alexandria during the agreed upon period but after sometime there I was not contacted as previously agreed.

Due to my good knowledge of the extent of honesty, nobleness, generosity and good intentions of this individual, I was sure a situation must have presented itself that prevented the contact

I found myself in a dilemma; I was not in favour of resorting to either of the two channels mentioned previously in this regard, due to the sensitive nature of my visit to The King, which made it unwise to reveal it to anybody yet.  However, I was forced to contact Haj Mohamed El-Saifaat who knew the intermediary, and asked him to pass my phone number to our mutual friend to contact me urgently in Alexandria, for I had been entrusted to deliver something to that person prior to my return to the UK.  I made this excuse to Hajj El-Saifaat to avoid telling him about my previous and next contact with King Idris.

Shortly afterwards the intermediary contacted me and apologised profusely for not getting in touch with me in the specified period due to losing my telephone number, and that all attempts to get my number from others had failed.  The intermediary informed me at once that an appointment had been arranged for me to visit the King to finalise the noble aim I dedicated my self and my team to accomplishing.

On the specified day of this visit, the intermediary arranged a meeting for me with Mr Omar Shelhi, who I was informed, had volunteered for the task of accompanying me, hence facilitating my entry to the King’s residence through the Egyptian security apparatuses.  That would be the first time I ever met Mr. Omar Shelhi.

 

** *** **

 

In the presence of the King:

 

I met Mr. Shelhi on the specified date at a predetermined location.  From there we went in his car to the King’s residence in the suburb of Dokki.

As soon as the car stopped in front of the villa we entered through a gate that was surrounded by Egyptian security men who greeted and welcomed Mr. Shelhi, whom they knew very well and therefore neither stopped him, nor checked the identity of the person who accompanied him.

As we entered the sitting room, my companion introduced me to King Idris and Queen Fatima whose warm and affectionate welcome made me feel very happy and at ease.

I addressed the King and expressed my feelings of deep sorrow and regret for the suffering and pain he had to endure in his exile away from his homeland and people for whom he spent his entire life to achieve their independence.  I dissociated my self from what the dregs of society had inflicted on him, and made clear to him my profound awareness of his grand spiritual rank.  I then expressed my renewal of allegiance to him as the King of Libya.

I told him I would like to know his verdict concerning what he had examined regarding the matter of the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union and the call upon him to be the legitimate ruler of the country.  The reply of the pious King was brief but eloquent and decisive.  He looked at me and quoted from verse 3 of Surat Al-Fath:

“May Allah make your victory an impregnable victory”  " ينصُرَك الله نصراً عزيزاً

I kissed the King’s hand and departed, totally overwhelmed with happiness and joy, I felt my feet could hardly touch the ground.  My arduous efforts to obtain his consent and blessing to continue in this patriotic and task were crowned with success.

Mr Omar Shelhi accompanied me to the outside gate of the villa and as we got into the car he asked me about my destination.  When I replied he said that the distance was short and he suggested that we could walk it together.

I understood at once that he wanted to talk to me about the subject matter that I came to see the King for, and walking together would provide him with the longer time needed for that purpose.

As I expected, as soon as we got out of the car and started walking my companion asked me if I was aware of the enormity and the gravity of the undertaking for which I had endeavoured to obtain the King’s approval.  He continued with answering his own question and added that; if I was not aware, I was attempting to cross a minefield.

I told him that I was quite aware of what he meant and that I understood perfectly the nature and magnitude of the task I was about to undertake.  And I ask Allah’s help in order to succeed to do our country, which was suffering under the hated military regime, a lot of good.  He then said to me that this task would not only require me to defend the monarchy as embodied in the person of the King, but also to defend the entire regime of the monarchy i.e. its personalities and symbols, especially those who were very close to him and considered his clique.

It was clear from his previous hint that he was aiming to entice me to adopt the stance of defending him and his family when defending the King; however, I was clear, frank and decisive in this regard.

I further explained that I did not consider it to be the most suitable of times to raise the banner of monarchy in Libya.  The coup d’etat regime had successfully, worked relentlessly with all the state resources at its disposal to distort the image of such a form of government, and to level all sorts of false accusations against it.  Furthermore, I told him that he had to bear in mind that the prevalent trend among the Libyan intelligentsia and the opposition ranged from the so-called “progressive ideas” in the leftist and liberal tendencies to the growing religious currents.  All of the people of all these persuasions, at least at that time, did not wish to be associated with the Monarchy in Libya.

On the other hand, when I advanced the idea of establishing the Libyan Constitutional Union and thought about the necessity of obtaining the blessing of the King for it, because of his constitutional legitimacy as documented in the codification of a constitution agreed upon by all of the Libyan nation, I did not envisage that I would be in the position of defending personalities that had political and titular offices and positions in the monarchy regime.  It was not my intention to justify or catalogue the mistakes of some of the symbols of the monarchy regime, for this was not my business and these personalities could defend themselves if they wanted to.  My task in this regard would be limited to the King and the Constitution, and may Allah help me in the onerous and difficult crossing of the minefield and I was certain of the difficulty involved in doing so.

My answer above put an end to Mr. Shelhi’s hope of enlisting me to defend him and his family and consequently ignited his enmity towards me.

Our conversation ended at that point, as we reached my temporary accommodation.

I thanked Mr Shelhi for his generosity in facilitating my meeting with the King and he said good-bye to me in a cool manner which he made no effort to disguise.

To be continued…

Mohamed Ben Ghalbon

chairman@libyanconstitutionalunion.net

21st July 2006

 

Top of the Page                                                        Original Arabic 

 

 

Many thanks to Mustafa for undertaking the arduous task of translating this document from Arabic.

 

This part was published on the following Libyan sites

"Libya Our Home" , Libya Al-Mostakbal" , "Al-Manara"

 

 

 

 

 

 

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

Part (3)

(First published in Arabic on 1st July 2006)

 

[2] Announcing the Establishment of the

Libyan Constitutional Union

 

Introduction…..

It is important that readers know that during all of my contacts with the leading personalities of the various Libyan opposition movement, in exile to publicise the establishment of The Libyan Constitutional Union and to acquaint them with it, that at no time did I ever criticise nor attack any of these individuals. Even when some directed their attacks to me personally, and spread doubts and suspicion over the reasons, goals and motives of my clear campaign.

I restrained my self, from getting engaged in exchanges (verbal or written), with those who did not follow the etiquette of constructive criticism and went along a path of hostility and arrogance that drove them to consider me as their enemy which I was not.  I approached them in the spirit of peace and affability for the purpose of unifying the ranks under one umbrella forming an entity that was capable of realising the aim of helping our country and saving it from the corrupt regime.

Even when I was forced to take a stand against those who overstepped the boundary of professional courtesy in their personal attacks against me and my family, I always confined my responses within decency, good manners and to the point.

 As I have repeatedly said, my purpose of writing this article is to record and document important events and stances in our contemporary history, however, at the same time I affirm that I have been very careful to write this article and publish it when most of the people, who participated in these events, are still alive.

This insures accuracy and truth in recording and documenting the information.  It also requires me to give ample opportunity to those concerned to respond to the information presented in this article with respect to their referred stances and allows them to affirm, refute or add to them.

 In return, I hope that those people who desire to reply or comment on this article, be bound by the principles of moral responsibility in their stating of the mere facts without fabrication or distortion.

 I also hope that these people have the moral courage to write under their real names and not to resort to hiding behind pseudonyms making it on the one hand hard to hold them accountable for the falsehoods they propagate and on the other hand this use of pseudonyms impairs the chance for everybody to enrich serious and responsible discussions and dialogues about important events in our country’s recent history.

 * *  *  * *

 

Announcement of the Establishment of the LCU:

 The publicity campaign for the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union started with a greeting card on the auspicious occasion of the Greater Bairam (Eid Aladha) as it coincided with 7th October (1981), the thirtieth anniversary of the proclamation of the Libyan Constitution.  It contained the statement announcing the establishment of the L C U[1], its motives and aims.  It was widely distributed among the Libyan citizens inside and outside Libya. The number of these letters reached thousands, for we managed to obtain lists of names and addresses of a large number of Libyans residing in Egypt whose numbers then could be counted in thousands.

 We also obtained lists of names and addresses of large numbers of Libyan students in the United Kingdom and in the United States of America [2].

Furthermore, we sent thousands of letters containing the relevant information to the mail boxes in various Libyan Cities addressed to fictitious names.  These would reach the owners of the mail boxes without jeopardising the safety of the mail box owners, who could easily dissociate themselves from these letters, should the oppressive authorities discover them, as those letters were addressed to unknown names unconnected to them.

It came to our knowledge through some people from inside the country that the mailing of these letters had achieved the desired success to a large extent.

 * *  *  * *

This was on the general level, we also endeavoured to contact directly all the active Libyan opposition groups (some of their members were already known to us personally), as well as many Libyan notables to inform them about the newly established Libyan Constitutional Union through letters containing a thorough explanation of the principles and aims upon which the Libyan Constitutional Union was established.

 

We also made personal contacts through telephone calls, mail and meetings with the personalities that we had known previously, to inform them about the matter under consideration and to explain to them fully the essential nature of the Libyan Constitutional Union and its planned aims.  This was aided by issuing three carefully prepared booklets, which were sent to the relevant parties in three instalments in the period between 7 October 1981 and the end of December 1981. [3]  In tandem with sending these letters and booklets, there was media coverage regarding the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union as soon as it was announced.

  * *  *  * *

 

Reactions…….

 Contrary to our expectations not many among the dozens of individuals whom we had contacted personally to inform them about the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union, bothered to respond or to reply. However, the reactions of those who showed a degree of interest were diverse.

 The replies were divided according to the level of intellect and background of the individual concerned.  Some of these people who replied had a high level of moral sensitivity and a sense of patriotic responsibility, in addition to a degree of intelligence and heedfulness in grasping the concept advanced by the Libyan Constitutional Union and the ability to see its ramification on the future of the national cause.

 At the same time, other reactions had elements of chauvinism and the preference of personal and political interests at the expense of the national cause.

Others still, were motivated and driven by tribalism without any consideration to the interests of the homeland and its essential causes.

 In what follows, I will talk about the various reactions which were typified by some opposition personalities in exile. These personalities were contacted and met by the Libyan Constitutional Union in the period of its establishment and after that.

 This was for the purpose of the unification of all the Libyan opposition under one umbrella with a program containing the assertion of the legal legitimacy which would facilitate the struggle against the ruling military regime through international legal legitimacy and accord the Libyan cause through effective means capable of toppling the corrupt regime.

 

 * *  *  * *

 

Omar El-Shelhi

 As I mentioned previously in part 2, my relationship with Mr. Omar El-Shelhi had grown cold and uneasy.  However, our subsequent frequent meetings at the King’s residence during my regular visits to the King which I endeavoured to maintain throughout his life, had a positive effect on this relationship and softened Mr. Shelhi’s unfriendliness towards me.  For, with time and as he followed the LCU’s publications, and knew me more through these visits, he became more convinced of my true intentions, and satisfied himself that I was not an adventurer who would abuse the king’s reputation or an intruder with an ill agenda.  He saw that my coming close to the King was motivated by loyalty and pure love of the King, coupled with a genuine desire to benefit the national interest.

 With time, some sort of familiarity had formed between Omar El-Shelhi and my self, which before long developed to a strong friendship.  We exchanged visits and frequent phone calls.  However, this friendship did not go beyond personal amity, and never involved any sort of political alliance or co-operation.

During this closeness to Mr. El-Shelhi, I discovered two distinctive marks of his character.  The first was that he has a deep and unrivalled sense of patriotism towards the home land.  The second and more vivid was his unlimited loyalty and devotion to King Idris.

The second characteristic, which was clear to every body that had to deal with him in this regard, had turned to an overwhelming possessiveness of the King.  It developed in him a level of blind jealousy that pulled him out of the realm of courtesy when he sensed that anybody was getting too close to the King or rivalling him to the King’s favour.

 For this particular reason, I dealt with him in this area with diplomacy and extreme tact , and made sure that I would not provoke this vulnerability.

 

As such, there was nothing in the horizon that would muddy this relationship, until my publication in 1989 of the book “The Life and Times of King Idris of Libya” [4] which was written by Mr. Eric de Candole.  That provoked Mr. El-Shelhi’s enormous outrage and from then till this day he unjustifiably took me for a bitter enemy

Details of this episode have no bearing on the subject at hand.  I will, therefore refrain from expanding.

What is important in this context is the fact that all that friendship and good feelings that grew between Mr. Shelhi and myself was abruptly ended by that event, and have turned to hostility that remains till this day.

  * *  *  * *

 

Mohammad Othman Essaid…

As I mentioned above some of the contacted opposition personalities were characterised by a certain degree of a sense of patriotic responsibility and a level of intelligence combined with heedfulness in grasping the concept advanced by the Libyan Constitutional Union and had the ability to see its ramifications on the future of Libyan cause. Mr Mohammad Othman Essaid was one of these people.

 

I had had no previous acquaintance with Mr Essaid who was among the first who replied to the Libyan Constitutional Union contacts by a telephone call from Morocco where he is a permanent resident. In this telephone call he expressed his utmost admiration for the idea and the orientation as formulated by the Libyan Constitutional Union in the letter containing the above mentioned three booklets.

He confided in me, in a state of excitement and esteem for the idea of establishing the Libyan Constitutional Union after reading its letter, that he had wished that one of his sons had come up with this enlightening idea.

My friendship and knowledge of Mr Essaid grew stronger in meetings repeated with the passage of time and in which he frequently expressed his support of the orientation of the Libyan Constitutional Union and its hoped for aims. However, due to his position as a political refugee it was difficult for him to participate in any political activity in this regard.

 

 * *  *  * *

 

Abdulhameed  El-Bakoosh.

I did not know Mr Abdulhameed El-Bakoosh closely before the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union; however, my relationship with him was deepened to a good degree after exchanging contacts between us which was crowned later on with personal meetings in the two cities of Manchester and Cairo. [5]

Mr Bakoosh was among the first who took care to reply to the contacts concerning the announcement of the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union. And his reply in this regard was not only confined to the telephone and written correspondence but also a personal meeting at my home in the city of Manchester.

Mr Bakoosh made a telephone call to me in July 1982 during the holy month of Ramadan. He informed me in this phone call that he had received my letters dealing with the establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union and that he was in London and would travel to Manchester to meet me and talk to me about the subject matter under consideration.

 

To be continued....

Mohamed Ben Ghalbon

4th August 2006

chairman@libyanconstitutionalunion.net

 

ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ

[1] The Eid (greeting) Card which had been sent to the majority of the Libyan personalities, contained in one of its two pages the announcement of the Establishment of the Libyan Constitutional Union and in the other a photo of King Idris.  This photo has a story which is related elsewhere in this article. Appendix No.1)

[2] We managed to obtain a copy of lists of addresses of students studying in Britain and America which belonged to the General Union of Libyan students (UK branch).  My brother, Hisham, was one of its founder members.

 [3] These booklets were prepared and sent in three consecutive significant anniversaries of modern Libya.  The first one 7 October 1981 which commemorated the thirtieth anniversary of the announcement of the Libyan Constitution and coincided with the occasion of the Greater Bairam (Eid Aladha) of that year, the second on 21 November of the same year coincided with the date of the UN resolution that granted Libya its independence, and the third on 24 December of that year coincided with the thirtieth anniversary of the independence of Libya. The reader can examine these booklets which are published/posted in the Libyan Constitutional Union archive web site whose link is  http://www.lcu-libya.co.uk/aims.htm

 [4] : “The Life and Times of King Idris of Libya”, first published by the author Mr. E.A.V. de Candole in a private edition of 250 copies in 1988 as a tribute to his friend King Idris I.  The author was forced to publish it privately in this small number after his attempts to get a publisher for this book have failed.

Having secured permission from the author, I passed it to my friend Mr. Mohamed El-Gazieri who translated it to Arabic.  I then published it in 1989 and distributed it free of charge to friends, researchers and those who have an interest in Libya.  I also provided complimentary copies to numerous public libraries and University libraries in the Arab and Islamic world, as well as Europe and the USA.  The purpose of this action was to honour Libya’s great late King Idris El-Senussi by providing researchers world wide with a credible account of his life compiled by a credible and close contemporary to the late king.  The book contained important details, which we felt should become a source of information for writers and historians.

In May 1990 I republished it both in Arabic and English and distributed it freely on a wider scale in the same manner.  The costs of publication and distribution of the second edition were shared equally with me by two Libyan patriots who asked for their identities not to be revealed for fear of persecution from the Libyan despotic regime.

 [5] The first letter was sent to Mr Abdulhameed El-Bakoosh on 24 February 1982, to inform him about the program and the aims of the Libyan Constitutional Union. ( A photocopy and translation of this letter is attached underneath.)

 

Appendix No.1)

In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate.

 

The Libyan Constitutional Union hereby proclaims its institution in deference to the aspirations of the Libyan people and the exigencies of seeking to restore constitutional legitimacy to the nation and to re-establish the rule of law and order.

 

The Union reiterates the pledge of allegience to King Muhammad Idris al-Mahdi Sanusi as historical leader of the Libyan people's struggle for independence and national

unity and as a symbol of legality for the nation.

 

It calls upon all Libyans to rally around their monarch and under his banner to put an end to the illegitimate regime now existing in Libya and to eliminate all the consequences that have accrued from its usurpation of power since September 1st 1969.

 

The Libyan Constitutional Union emphasizes the right of the Libyan people to restore justice and thereafter to decide such form of body politic and system of government as they may choose of their own free will in a referendum to be conducted under international supervision within a reasonable period from the restoration of constitutional

legality to the nation.

 

A translation of a letter sent to Mr Abdulhameed El-Bakoosh:

 

The honourable Mr Abdulhameed El-Bakoosh

Greetings!

It has taken me a long time to obtain your address and that is the reason of not writing to you until now. I hope that you have received the Libyan Constitutional Union Booklets which explain its political idea and what we strive to achieve and stand for.

I and all members of the Libyan Constitutional Union would be pleased if there is a possibility of fruitful cooperation with you to serve the homeland in the shadow of the only symbol of the Libyan sovereignty which was short in duration and unique in the entire history of Libya. Furthermore, you were one of the brilliant pages of this period.

All the members of the Libyan Constitutional Union consider co-operating with you a great honour and an important consolidation of the national cause and they remember with pride and appreciation your idea of the "Libyan Personality" which time has proven how much the people were in need of and they wish for the return to the homeland its happy days so that it can make use of the efforts and ideas of the sincere people like you.

While waiting for your response, estimable sir, please accept the highest respect and appreciation of the entire members of the Libyan Constitutional Union

Sincerely,

Mohamed Ben Ghalbon

4/2/1982